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ADDRESS TO THE PEdPLlB 



UV THE 



DEMOOR-A.OY of A\^ISCOISrSIN 

/ ADOPTED IN STATE COXVEXTIO\ AT MILWAUKEE, Sept. 3d, 1SG2. 



We address you In a time of great trial and 
oiilaraity. We address you in a time of na- 
tional suflering and sorrow. We address you 
in a crisis of tearful peril to the Union and to 
iho free instiuitions established by our fathers 
in the several st;i,tes. We do so with a 
Hulemn sense of tlie responsibilities resting 
tipon us in commou with the whole Americaa 
people. We do so with tlic single design of 
contributing all our aid to the preservation of 
tlie Union, the constitution, and the liberties 
of the states. And we propose to do so, ac- 
cording to our lights, fearlessly and openly, let 
whatever new power frown upon the ancient 
American birthright of freedom of speech. 

Uur state constitution, asserting the invi- 
olable right of liberty of political discussion, 
adopts an American maxim as old as Ameri - 
can independence, when it declares that '"the 
blessings of a free government can only be 
maintained by frequent recurrence to funda- 
mental principles.-^ And whosoever, in 
whatsoever position, asserts that there has 
come a time in American history, when free- 
dom of speec!i should be suppressed, when 
the safeguard of political opposition should 
be abandoned, and the voice of all parties, ex- 
cept one, should be silenced, when the admin- 
istration of the government should pass un- 
censured and unquestioned, when loyalty to 
the institutions of our country should give 
way to passive submission to our rulers, 
has little sympathy with the spirit of the 
liberty v/on by '.he valor of our fathers, or of 
the free institutions established by their wis- 
dom. In a free country, the freedom of the 
people abides in peace ard war, in domestic 
tranquility and civil discord. The constitu- 
tion of the United States and the constitutions 
of the several states, provide alike for all the 
exigencies of peace at home and abroad, of 
foreign war and of domestic insurrection. — 
The constitution of the United States and the 
laws enacted in pursuance of it, are the su- 
preme law of the land in all conditions of the 
country. The constitution is inviolate in all 
circumstances oJ the peopie and the govern- 
ment. State necessity has no power to sus- 
pend the constitution or abridge the freedom 
of the people. State necessity, as an excuse 
for invading popular liberty, has been in all 
history the tyrant's plea. When popular lib- 
erty succumbs to the cry ot state necessity, 
the land has already ceased to be free. 

Loyalty, in America, is the franchise of no 
office or officer. American loyalty is due to 
the Constitution alone. Fidelity to the Con- 
stitution is loyalty to the Union. There is no 
Union outside the Constitution. The Consti- 
tution is the Union. And whatever man, of- 
ficer or party, assumes to be true to the Union 
and not to the Constitution as our forefather.s 
made it and our fathers enjoyed it, is disloyal 



to both. Blind submission to the Admini.'<- 
tration of the government, is not devotion to 
the country or the Constitution. The Ad- 
ministration is not the government. The 
government is established by the Constitution 
and rests in its provisions. The Adminis- 
tration is as subject to the Constitution and a.^ 
responsible for its observance, as the people. 
The Administration may err, but the Consti- 
tution does not change. And when the Ad- 
ministration violates the Constitution, loyalty 
to the Administration may become disloyalty 
to the Union. Devotion to the Constitution !■< 
the only Araericm loyalty. 

In times ©f peace and prosperity, there is 
little danger of the loyaltj' of the people for - 
saking the constitution, fur the principles of a 
pnrfy or the policy of an Administration, 
iiut in days of civil discord and convulsion, 
there is danger of patriotism being blindfold- 
ed, mistakiugthe object of its faith, and trans- 
ferring to the servant of the altar the devo . 
tion due only to the altar itself. And in 
such days it is the duty of all parties to con- 
sider well their position, and to determine 
how far their loyalty to the constitution is 
consistent with their support of the Adminis- 
tration of the government. 

Almost as old as the Union, founded in the 
broart principles of the constitution, identified 
with all the prosperous history of the United 
States, the Democratic party has no new 
principles to enunciate, no new loyalty to 
pledge. It has always been, as it is, the par- 
ty- of the constitution. In all its career, tlie 
constitution has been its only creed, the altar 
of the country its only place of worship. It 
is human, and has erred. It has been de- 
jjressod by defeat and elated by success, and 
has at times mistaken the true path of duty, 
iiut it has never lost sight of the constitution 
or wandered far from its ways. Its history 
chronicles a devotion to tho constitution, and 
a sympathy with the spirit of the people, a.s 
just and steadfast as human devotion and 
sympathy can attain. If not always right, it 
has not been often or long wrong. Human 
history can say no more for any party, in any 
age or country. The Democratic party 
needs to-day no platform but its history. 
But in this unprecedented and terrible crisis, 
it becomes us to consider the application of 
old principles to new conditions. 

The democratic party has outlived many an-* 
tagonists. The Federal party, tho National 
llepublican party, the W hig party, have suc- 
cessively struggled with it with varied suc- 
cess ; but have successively disappeared from 
history. This was not accidental. The dem- 
ocratic party was as subject to accident as it.s 
rivals. It has been frequently defeated. But 
it has survived all its defeats, while its an- 
cient enemies have not survived occafioual 



/-— • 



/m 



suucfss. The reason is iipparont. It was 
founded on the true principles of our govern- 
ment, and guided by true sympathy with the 
spirit of American institu;ions. Thcij rested 
iu a narrower coniprehensiou of the genius of 
the American jieople and in mistaken views of 
the principles of the Constitution. They died 
tlie death of error: it lives the life of truth. 

The hi.story uf the country is the history of 
the democratic party. With occasional inter- 
missions, it has administered tlie national gov 
ernmi'iit and guided the march of American 
history. Under its intiuence, the true spirit of 
the (/'onstitucion displaced the narro.v and 
un-Americau compreliension of our system of 
iiovernment v.'hich originally prevailed and 
gave tone to the Administration of the elder 
/Vdams. Under its intiuence, the commercial 
.anil economical interests of the country were 
t'lnaucipated from the hot house system of tar- 
ill's and currency, which bound American en^- 
rrgy and skill in the ith.ains of European the- 
ory. Under its leailershij), the American 
flag was carried in glory through war, and 
sent in peace floating in security ever all the 
seas of commerce Under its leadership the 
area of the country was almost doubled, and 
new fields of enterprise were populated by 
prosperous American communities. Under the 
guidance ot no other party was any great 
stride made in civil or commercial prosperity, 
was a war ever waged with a foreign enemy, 
was an acre of territory ever added to our vast 
domain. The democratic party led the country 
from its feeble and poor condition at the begin- 
ning of the present century, to the great and 
glorious empire of freedom, the unpar;illeled 
political and material prosperity, in which it 
met with its last defeat in the presidential 
election of ISGO 

8uch defeats of the great party of the coun- 
try never before carried with them permanent 
evil to the nation. The old opponents of the 
democracy took the administration of the gov- 
ernment upon its defeat, and surrendered it 
again upon its success, tlie Constitution and 
the Union remaining unimpaired. The an- 
cient antagonists of the democracy, whatever 
their sins of doctrine or action, were national 
fiarties, resting upon no sectional policy, rep- 
resenting no sectional constituency. ^Vhen 
in power, they auminisiered the government 
upon the policy of a rnnjority of the whole 
country. When in opposition, they spoke for 
a minority of the whole country. They were 
loyal, because they were national. The Union 
was Bafe, because they were loyal. Their 
success was harmless to the constitution, be- 
CHUMO it was the defeat of a constitutional 
party, and not of the spirit of the constitu- 
tion itself. 

The defeat of the Democratic Party in 18G0 
has been followed by t.ho revolt of several of 
the tit lies from the Union and by the present 
terrible civil war, because it was defeated by 
.n sectional puny. Wu reprobate that revolt, 
us unneces^.l^y unjustifiable, unholy. Devo- 
ted to the (Jonsiitution, we invoke the ven- 
geance of G id upon .ill who raisi; their sacri- 
legious hands agiiinst it, whether wearing the 



I • ^ ! 

I 

soft glove .<! of peace or the bloody gauntlet* 
of war. But we afiUrm that the revolt and 
consequent civil war were a long foretold and 
probable result of the accession to power of a 
sectional party, because their success was 
the defeat of the spirit of the Constitution. 

In so vast a union of states, of such differ- 
ing interests, habits and institutions, the dan. 
ger of sectional parties to the peace and jier- 
manence of the Union, was early foreseen by 
the fathers of the Constitution. The Father 
of his Country, himself, gave voice to these 
apprehensions in his farewell address in 1796. 
He passed a eulogium upon the Union, which 
no tongue or pen has since improved. He 
urged "the unity of the government which con' 
stitutes us one people." He impres,sed upon 
the nation, that it was "a main pillar in the 
edifice of our real independence; the support 
of our tranquility at home; of our power 
abroad, of our safety, of our prosperity, of 
the very liberty ivhich we so highly prize." 
In a spirit of prophecy, he cautioned the peo- 
ple and their posterity against the dangers it 
might encounter, and with his parting words 
invoked them "indignantly to frown upon the 
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any 
portion of our country from the rest, or to en- 
feeble the sacred ties which now linked to- 
gether the various parts."" lie enlarged upon 
the mutual dependence of the various parts of 
the country, north and south, east and west- 
he warned us against parties founded on '"geo- 
graphical discriminations, whence designing 
men might endeavor to excite a belief that 
there is a real diiference of local interests 
and views." He foretold that "one of the ox- 
pedients of party to acquire influence within 
particular districts, is to misrepresent the 
opinions and aims of other districts." He 
forewarned us that "we could not shield our- 
selves too much against the jealousies ami 
heart-burnings which would spring from 
these misrepresentations, which tend to ren- 
der aliens to each other, those who ought to 
be bound together by fraternal affection." 
Fearful prophecy, fearfully fulfilled ! How 
the great spirit of the illustrious Washington 
would have mourned, had he been able to for- 
see the full and terrible measure of the dan- 
ger he foretold, the insane and terrible disre- 
gard of his holy advice which has acconi'- 
plished it. 

There was no reason why the several States 
of the Union should not hiive abided together 
in harmony, for all time. Their domestic in- 
stitutions, their social condition and their 
habits of life, differed indeed from the begin- 
ning. And, in the language of General 
Jackson "this difference was unavoidably in- 
creased by the varying principles upon which 
the American colonies were originally plant- 
ed ;_ principles which had taken deep root in 
their social relations before the revolution, 
and therefore, of necessity, influencing their 
policy since they became free and indepen- 
dent .States." The progress of all the states 
was great, but frequently in different direc- 
tions. But the Constitution left to the several 
states the exclusive control of their domestic 



concerns; and hail tho spirit of the <'oDst,itii- 
tion prcvailcfl, (liflV^rnncos of domestic institu- 
tions would never liavc disturbed tho }ieace- 
I'ul relationy of the states in tho Union 
The slavery of the African race formed from 
the boginninc; the n-.ost important and dan- 
gerous of these difl'erences. The Constitution 
was a compact of compromises, and in no 
instance more wisely or generously so, than 
in relation to the institution of slavery. And 
iiad the several states of the Union abided in 
their politics by that necessary and magnan- 
imous spirit of compromise, the Union would 
now be undisturbei), and ancient harmony 
and prosperity -would reign where civil war 
now roges. 

Fanaticism is the bane of harmony. It has 
disturbed many states and overturned many 
governments It is one of the most difScult 
social evils to deal with. It is a growth of 
prosperity, and yet gains strength under per- 
secution. It often appeals to the most gener- 
ous prrjudices of humanity; it often wears 
tlie garb of religion and morality; it Las won- 
ilerful powers of prosclytisra; it has great 
capacities to mnko wrong look like right, and 
to deck errors in tho robes of truth. It is 
a terrible apostle of evil. Discord follow.'* 
its lead, and revolution too often is the end of 
its career. 

Unfortunately, among many elements of 
good and greatness, fanaticism emigrated to 
this country. From time to time, it has 
1 layed its part in marring the record of civil 
and religious liberty in American History, 
it has, from time to time, sent forth various 
heretical dogmas of politics. It has asserted 
a higher law, above the Constitution itself. It 
has in recent memorable words, sought 
to do in the name of God what could 
not be done in the name of tho Constitution. 

It. finally found employment fatal to the 
j'CMceofthe country in political abolition. 
The north had riil itself of the incubus of 
slavery. The north was as responsible for 
slavery in the south, as the south itself is. 
But fanaticism became offended with southern 
slavery ; and overlooking homo evils and 
homo reforms, it devoted itself to the discus- 
.sion of the evils of African slavery, clamoring 
against its criminality and urging its aboli- 
tion. It disregarded the Constitution and de- 
nounced its guarantees of the rights of slavery 
as a compact of sin and shame. Manj' of its 
teachers openly advocated disunion; ai|d 
many more proclaimed an irrepressible con- 
flict between the domestic systems of the 
north and tho south, arguing that the states 
of the Union must become all free or all slave. 

These dangerous and revolutionary doc- 
trines have always been combatted by the 
democratic party. The democracy has no 
apology to make for southern slavery. We 
regard it as a great social evil. But we regard 
it as a misfortune, not a crime. The crime is 
in the presence of the African race upon the 
continent. That is a crime of the past, noc of 
the present. And even in the past, it was less 
the crime of the south, than of those who 
grew rich in tho slave trade, and who now 



clamor for the abolition of slavery which tlicy 
themselves planted. We hold this country to 
be the possession of the white race, and this 
government to be instituted by white men for 
white men. We commisserafe iho condition of 
tho slave; but wc are unwilling to violate the 
constitution in his behalf, or to disturb society 
by •emancipating four millions of an inferior 
race in a land possessed by a superior race. 
It is the sinof history that the African r.ace is 
here; once here in great numbers, the proper 
condition of the African was subjection in 
some form to the White. Equality was im- 
possible. Nature has made social equality 
impossilile without fatally sinning against her 
laws, and without social equality political 
equality is impossible Nature never placed 
the races together; when hroujht t. ik the' , 
the servitude of the inffruM- i-< th'- ^'esr iv,ridi- 
tion for both r-iccs; a necessary ev'.; resuUing 
from the violation of natural law in bringing 
them together. 

But fanaticism did not so sec it. Fanati- 
cism at the north, unembarrassed by the pre- 
sence of slavery, did not see slavery as a ne- 
cessary evil, but only as an abstract wrong. 
It could make no allowance for the condition 
of the south, and had no toleration for the 
compromises of the constitution or the safe- 
g'aards which it extended to the institutions of 
the south. 

For a long time the abolition party was a 
weak political minority; but it was from the 
beginning an energetic and dangerous apostle 
of unconstitutional doctrines and of sectional 
jealousies and distrusts. 

As long ago as 1837, the warrior states- 
man. Andrew Jackson, in his farewell ad- 
dress, warned us against it. He quoted the 
warnings of Washin tion; and SHid: "The 
lessons contained in this invaluabii; legficy of 
Washington to his countrymen, should be 
cherished in the heart of every citizen to tho 
latest generation, and perhaps at no period 
of time could they be more usefully remember- 
ed than at the present moment. For when wo 
look upon the scenes which are passing 
around us, and dwell upon the pages of his 
parting address, his paternal counsels would 
seem to be not merely the offspring of wisdom 
and foresight, but the voice of prophecy, fore- 
telling events, and warning us of the evil lo 
come. * * * * * *" The federal con- 
stitution was then regarded by him as an ex- 
periment. ****** The trial 
has been made. It has succeeded beyond the 
proudest hopes of those who framed it. 
Every quarter of this widely extended nation 
has felt its blessings and shared in the gen- 
eral prosperity produced by its adoption. — 
But amid this general prosperity and splendid 
success, the dangers of which he warned 
us, are becoming every day more evident, and 
the signs of evil are sufficiently .ipriarent to 
awaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of 
the patriot. We behold systematic efforts 
publicly made to sow the seeds of discord 
between different parts of the United States, 
and to place party divisions directly upon 
geographical distinctions; to excite the south 



ugiiinst tlji- north aud the norlJi against the 
y.oHlh, ami to force into the eontrovorsy the 
most flolioatc and oxcitcd topict«, upoiv wliicli 
ir. is impossible that a large portion of llic 
Union can ever speak ■without strong emo- 
tions. Appeals too are constantly made 
to sectional interests, ""' * * * * * 
and the possible dissolution of the Union has 
at length become an ordinary and familiar 
subject of discussion. 

"Has the warning voice of Washington been 
forgotten, or have designs already been form- 
ed to pcver the nation ? * *■' * "■* ■■■■ •-• 
Mutual suspicions and reproaches may in time 
create mutual hostility; and artful and de- 
signing men -will always be found, who are 
ready to foment these ftital divisions and to 
inl-lame the natural jealousies of different sec- 
tions of the country. ■* * * ^'^ * ■"■ ■■■ 
Delude not yourselves into the belief that a 
l)reach once made may be afterwards repair- 
ed. If the Union is once severed, the line of 
separation will gi-ow wider and wider, and the 
controversies which are now debated and set- 
tled in the halls of legislation, will be tried 
in fields of battle and determined by the 
sword. '"' ^ "^' ■"' "■ The Constitution 
cannot be maintained nor the Union preserv- 
ed, in opposition to public feeling, by the 
mere exertion of the coercive powers confided 
to the general government. The foundations 
must be laid in the affections of the people; 
in the security it gives to life, liberty, charac- 
ter and property in every quarter of the 
country; and in the fraternal attachment 
which the citizens of the several states bear 
to one another, as members of one political 
family mutually contributing to promote the 
Iiajipiness of each other. Hence the citizens 
of every state should studiously avoid every- 
tliing calculated to wound the sensibility or 
oll'end the just pride of the people of other 
states; and they should frown upon any pro- 
ceedings within their own borders likely to 
disturb the tranquility of their political breth- 
ren in other portions of the Union. "•'■ "■'' -'' 
Each state has tlie unquestionable right to 
regulate its own internal concerns, according 
to its own pleasure. ''• "■•" •■■ ■•" ■•■' And 
all ef'orts on the part of the people of other 
states to cast odium on their institutions, and 
all measures calculated to disturb their rights 
of property or to put in jeopardy their peace 
and internal tranquility, are in direct opposi- 
tion to the spirit in which the Union was 
Ibunded and must endanger its safety. Mo- 
tives of philanthropy may be assigned for this 
unwarrantable interference,, and weak tacn 
may persuade themselves for a moment, that 
they arc laboring in the cause of humanit\' 
and asserting the rights of the human race; 
but every one upon sober refiection will see 
that nothing but mischief can come from 
these improper assaults upon the feelings and 
rights of others. Rest assured that the men 
found busy in this work of discord, arc not 
worthy of your confidence, aud deserve j'our 
strongest reprobation." 

So spoke one of the greatest aud wisest 
patriots of American history. Counsels so 



sacred and warnings so solemn, were disre- 
garded by the abolitionists: and the abolition 
party continued to teach its treasonable doc- 
trines and to preach its crusade against the 
south and its institutions. 

The results so wisely foretold, necessarily 
followed. The denunciation of the south at the 
north, was met by denunciation of the north 
at the south. Hostility in the north to the 
institutions of the south provoked hostility in 
the south to the people of the north The great 
mass of the people of the south were loyal to 
the union; but a class of public men iu the 
south had for some time been tainted with 
disloyalty, and aimed to separate the southern 
states from the Union, whenever an oppor- 
tunity should arise to carry the people of the 
south with them. These men zealously con- 
tributed to foment the abolition excitement at 
the north, and exaggerated its power and 
importance at the south. Thus faction begot 
faction; and the abolition part}' at the north 
produced the disunion party at the south. 
Tiie spirit of northern abolition and of south- 
ern disunion insensibly grew together for 
years, until the period of the last presidential 
election, when a bitter animosity existed be- 
tween large and powerful factions in the 
north and in the south. 

In tlie meantime, in 1S54 — fi. t'.c whig 
party most unhappily abandoned its organiza 
tions, and the present republican party was 
founded on the basis of the old abolition jiarty. 
The best and most enlightened patriots of tlic 
whigs refused all alliance with the new sec- 
tional party; but the vast body of the whigy. 
surrendered their national politics to its nar- 
row and sectional bigotry. The great leaders 
of the whig partj' were gone. The mighty 
voice of Webster, which always spoke for the 
whole country and never uttereil a sectional 
dogma, was silent forever. The great head 
and heart of Clay, whose statesmanship had 
served to save the Union from more than one 
peril and was as broad as the Union itself, 
lay low in death. Had these great lights of 
the whig party survived, we fully believe that 
they would have savcil their party from the 
shame of prostituting itself in the unholy em- 
braces of a sectional and revolutionary or- 
ganization. r>ut they were gone; pigmies sat 
in the seats of giants; the whig party went 
out of being, and the republican party was 
ingrafted on the abolition party. 

It is true that the Republican party avows 
its abolition tendencies loss manfully than 
the oM abolition party. They assume to in- 
terfere with slavery in the territories and 
other places subject to the jurisdiction of the 
United States, only, and not in the states. 
'J his thin disguise of their real policy, is 
fully exposed by the uniform tone of their 
discussions of slavery, by their resistance of 
the fugitive slave law, by their avowal of an 
irrepressible conflict between the institutions 
of the north and the south, and by the whole 
tenor of their legislation wherever and when 
ever they have been in power. That a large 
and respectable body of the party have no 
Bympathy with its abolition proclivities, is 



i jiurliaps true; but there is no room for (loul)t 

I that the iibolitiou clement in that party ig its 
i* largest, most energetic, and influential ele- 
ment. 
^ With the strength and influence of the Ho - 

; jmblican party, grew the strength and in- 
fluence of the party of secession. 15oth were 
sectional; both were revolutionary. 

' It would be idle to show the revolutionary 

character of the secession i>arty. Its rcvo- 
hitifuiary purposes were avowed. The Re- 
publican party was no less revolutionary, 
tlioughits revolutionary tendencies were lets 
manifest. 

It is evident, fi-oni what has already been 
seen, that AVashington and Jackson, fit repre- 
sentatives of the sages and patriots of the re- 
volutionary and succeeding eras, regarded 
sectional parties as revolutionary. Under 
our system they are essentially so; for no 
sectional party could accomplish any end, 
except by the scvcrencc of tlie bonds of fra- 
ternity and unity between the dillcrent parts 
of the country upon which the Union rests. 
It is not wc who say, it is the sagos and pat- 
riots of the past who have said, that in Amer- 
ican politics every sectional party is essen- 
tially disloyal to the Union. 

In almost every state of the Union, in which 
the republican party had the power, they en- 
acted laws impeding the execution of laws of 
the United States. Such laws wia-e passed 
by them in this state. A republican judi- 
iiary in this state nullified acts of Congress, 
assumed to overrule the decisions of the Su- 
premo Court of the United States in cases 
arising under the constitution and laws of the 
Union, disobeyed its mandates, and sanction- 
ed by judicial decision the forcible rescue of 
)>risoncrs held under the judicial process of 
the United States. l»ut not content with this 
measure of disloj^alty, the republican legisla- 
ture of this state passed in 18.j9, and has ever 
since refiiscd to rescind, resolutions setting at 
defiance the authority of the United States, 
and assorting the doctrine of secession as 
broadly as it has ever been nsserted by any 
southern state. This is well understood at 
home, by democrats and republicans: but to 
avoid the suspicion of exaggeration abroail. 
we here insert two of these resolutions in 
full : 

Jleaolvcd, "That the government formed by 
the constitution of the United States was not 
made the exclusive or final judge of the extent 
of the powers delegated to itself: but that, as 
in all other cases of compact having no common 
judge, each party has an equal right to jiulge 
for itself, as well of infractions as of the vioile 
and meoKure of reduess. 

'''Resolved, that the principle and construe^ 
tion contended for by the party which now 
rules in tlie councils of the nation, that the 
general government is the exclusive judge of 
the extent of the powers delegated to it. stop 
nothing short of despotism, since the discre- 
tion of those who administer the government, 
and not the Constitution, would be the meas- 
ure of their powers; that the several states 
which formed that instrument, being sovereign 
and independent, have the unquestionable 



right to judge of its infraction; nml that a 
2>ositivc dcfitnicc oi ihoao sovereignties, of all 
unauthorized acts done or attempted to be 
done under color of that instrument, is the 

ItirUITFUL RKMKUY." 

These resolutions had relation, not to the 
acts of tho executive of the United States or 
even of Congress, but to a solemn decision of 
the Supreme Court of the United States 
upon the Constitution and laws of the United 
States. This is the doctrine caucht from se- 
(•oiling South Carolina by llcpublican Wis 
cousin, and repeated by the Republican I'arly 
of Wisconsin, in full communion with the Re- 
ptiblican party of the north, to justify seces- 
sion in every disloyal state in the south. 

Thus the Republican Party, as well as tlio 
secession party, was revolutionary. And 
these two revolutionary parties grew in num- 
bers and influence down to the presidential 
election of 18G0, when the Democratic Tarty 
was defeated by the sectional influences of 
both. 

The sectional party of the south succoedeil in 
intruding some members into the Democratic 
Convention; and when defeated there, by the 
steadfast loyalty of the true Democracy, put 
in nomination a renegade from his party and 
his country The sectional party of tho 
north put in nomination a distinguished 
gentleman, the author of the doctrine that 
the several states must ultimately become 
all slave or all free. 

The democratic party nominated as their 
candidate, a statesman now no more, of great 
experience and ability in public affairs, of 
great energy and integrity of character and 
life, the author of the only just and practical 
solution of the question of slavery in the ter- 
ritories, whose whole public life was devoted 
to the maintenance of the Constitution as it is, 
and of the Union as it was: and whose zeal 
for tho preservation of the country sacrificed 
his life in its prime. 

Tiie history of the convention which nomi- 
nated ^Ir. ])ouglas. plainly shows that (he 
cliampions of secession had no hope to carry 
the people of the south with them save by de- 
feating the candidate of the democratic partyi 
The whole tone and temper of the republican 
leaders and press at the north, before and 
during the session of the convention, plainly 
shows that they had no hope of electing their 
candidate, save l:y diverting the vote of the 
south from the democratic candidate to 
the secession candidate. Thus the ac- 
tion of the two sectional parties tended 
to the same result of the presidential election. 
Had Mr. Douglas been elected, secession 
could not have prevailed at the south, and the 
several aims of both sectional parties woubl 
have been alike defeated. 

The result was the defeat of Mr. Douglas 
ami the election of the Republican candidate. 
We have no personal objection to the distin- 
guished gentleman who now sits in the seat of 
Washington. His election was perhaps less 
mischievous than that of any other prominent 
Republican. The evil of his election belongs 
to his party, not himself. The good he has 
done is in' a great degree personal to him. 



(3 



Republicau as ho is, lio has not forgotten his 
old national patriotism. If he has notalwaj's, 
he has often, resisted the abolition clement in 
his party and stemmed the tide of its revolu- 
tionary course. In this, he has done the 
country immeasurable service; and we ho]ic 
that he will continue to stand as a barrier as 
well aj^ainst the most destructive faction of his 
own party, as acjainst the nrmed enemy of the 
Union flio rospoiixiljilitios of his ])o.<fiti(jn 
arc such as viiqlit, awe an}' iipin; :ind in all his 
efforts to sustain the Constitution against rev- 
olution and innovation, lie lias our liearty sym- 
pathy and support. 

The election was the, signal for the movc~ 
mcnt of secession. It was no excuse for the 
guilt of disunion. The insincerity and bad 
faith of the leaders in the movement is demon- 
strated by the fact that in both Houses of Con 
press there was a safe mnjority against the 
Republican party. But the truth is that the 
apostles of secession were traitors at heart, in- 
dependent of the election; and that they want- 
ed and used the election only .as a lever to 
precipitate the south from its allegiance. They 
duped the south into the belief that the entire 
people of the north were infected with tlic 
leprosy of abolition. 

As it was, wc fully believe that the tnnjoritj' 
of the whole southern people stood loyal lo the 
Union, and that in no seceding state, except 
South Carolina, was the ordinance of secession 
fairly carried before the people. 

The election of Mr. Lincoln, though effected 
by a minority of votes, was cii'ried in all the 
forms of the Constitution, was obligatory upon 
all the states and the people thereof, was no 
palliation for the unhallowed act of secession. 
was no ground for the risks, sufferings, hor- 
rors, and ruin of the most shameless and detes 
table civil war known in the history o'' civiliz- 
ed man. 

The standard of revolt was raised, and civil 
war began. Whatever may have been tlie 
relative guilt of the two sectional parties in 
the causes which prepared the sjuth for rev^ 
olution, the sole guilt in the war itself rests 
with the southern party of secession. 

Congress has declared the war is w.iged by 
the government of the United States, not in the 
spirit of conquest or subjugation, nor for the 
purpose of overthrowing or interfering with 
the rights or institutions of the states, ]>in to 
defend and maintain the supremacy of the 
Constitution, and to preserve the Union with 
all the dignity, equality and rights of the sevr. 
cral states unimpaired; and that as soon as 
these objects are accomplished, the war ought 
to cease. Thus carried on, the war is not 
only expedient, but necessary; not only justi- 
fiable, but holy. It is a defensive war. It is 
a war of self preservation. Disunion, once 
Bucccssful, would be a recurring evil: and in- 
stead of leaving a northern Union and a south- 
ern Confederacy, would continue its destruc- 
tive career until all of the states would be 
broken and dissevered, until the whole coun- 
try would be distracted by petty sovereignties 
and wasted by petty warfare. We cannot 
calmly contemplate disunion. Wc know and 



love the blessings of Union, but no human eyf 
can penetrate the dark and terrible future! 
which lies beyond the grave of the Constitu"| 
tion. The war for the prcsei-vation of the] 
Constitution has all our sympathies, all our 
hopes, and all our energies. 

But we have a right to demand, it is our 
duty to demand, and wc do demand, that thi.'? 
war be carried on by the government for the 
constitution alone, and mnfrr the cod'-Mifution 
alnn". To that end, aniongst others, we ri; - 
tain our political organization, and will use 
our best efforts from time to time and at all 
times, to regain for the democratic party, un- 
der the forms and sanctions of the constitution, 
the control of the legislative and executive 
departments of the government of the United 
St.'ites. 

In the meantime, the war must be carried 
on i\nd sustained with all the energies of the 
United States, and the people thereof. No 
blood or treasure is too dear a price to rc-pur- 
chnse the Union inherited from our father;; 
and to transmit it unimpaired to our children 

It is not our province to relate the history 
of the war, or to criticise its movements. 
Many hundreds of thousands of our loyal 
brcthern have patriotically gone forth to battle 
for the Union. All have done nobly, all have 
suffered nobly, many have died nobly. The 
angel of death has made bloody vacancies in 
many a northern home. Few have escaped 
without the loss of some near or dear friend- 
American liberty has been re baptized in loyal 
blood; and hundreds of thousands of loyal 
men are now in the field, or hastening thither, 
to conquer or die for the constitution. Vv'e 
owe it to the memory of the dead, we owe it to 
the living liosts in tlie field, we owe it above 
all to the constitution, to respond v.'ith cheer- 
ful alacrity to every constituiional call for 
men, to submit to vvcry constitutional exac- 
tion of treasure. We owe all that we have, 
and all that we arc, to the Union; we must 
pay the whole debt if it be necessary. 

But w;ir is not ctir whole duty. We owe a 
jiolitical debt to the constitution, and tha'-, too 
must be paid, We adopt the language of 
Gen. Jackson that war alone cannot preserve 
the constitution against disunion. War can, 
and we hope speedily will, subdue the armies 
of the revolted states. War can, and we hope 
speedily will disarm every traitor, posses-* 
every place ofstrength, and uphold the grand 
old flag on every flag staff in the United 
States. But when war shall have accom- 
plished all that war can do, the Union will 
not bo fully restored. The participation of 
the revolted states in the government of the 
Union must of necessity be voluntary. Wai 
has no power to compel such voluntary ac- 
tion. The pence and permanaucy of the re-, 
stored Union will depend, in a great measure, 
in the confidence of the people of the recov- 
ered states, in the justice of the general 
government, and in the faithful observance vt' 
their constitutional rights. War has no pow 
cr to inspire this confidence. The stability 
of the Union then, as in times past, will nee 1 
the mutual good will and affection ofthepeo- 



pie oC tln^ several states. War has no power 
to control the atFections. The people of the 
flouth will return to the Union, when thej do 
return, wounded in their pride and embitter- 
ed in their feeling. When they return, 
they will return as brethren, and merit the 
treatment of brethren. The law may demand 
its victims, but those guiltless of the war, and 
those forgiven by the law, will again be our 
political brothers. The restoretl .states 
will return to the Union with all the rights of 
other states. To win back the confidence 
aud affection of their people, and to restorer 
tlie Union in the spirit ofthe constitution, the 
sectional party at the north must be vigor- 
ously combatted, and in due time overthrown 
at the ballot box by the Democratic party, 
the only national, constitutional party left in 
the land. Jf the Democratic party should be 
disbanded, or should suffer itself to remain in- 
active, tlie south would retain its old distrust 
ofthe llepublican party, and its old aversion 
to the general government administered by it. 
It would then believe that the whole north 
was indeed given up to abolition, aud that the 
weaker south would receive no justice from 
the stronger north. But if the south sees the 
llepublican party defeated, and the ancient 
defender of its rights against sectional in- 
fluences once more in power in the Union, or 
even bold in maintaining its old political war- 
fare against sectional parties and influences, 
then may the people of the south, misled 
from their allegiance by the detestable in- 
trigues of ambitious demagogues, w^ell hope 
to find once more in the Union old right^ old 
blessings, old safety. Disunion is the ofl- 
spring of sectional parties, and the complete 
restoration of the Union, in all its old peace 
aud harmony, rests upon the utter rout, 
north and south, of all sectional parties. The 
spirit of the constitution must go hand in 
lianJ with the letter of the constitution. 

It is no less essential to the people ofthe 
loyal slates to establish the full reign of the 
spirit of the constitution; to restore as the 
supreme law of the land, in peace and war, 
in prosperity and adversity, in all circum- 
stances of society, the constitution, the 
whole constitution, and nothing but the con- 
stitution. 

We claim the right, as free and loyal Amer- 
ican citizens, to discuss the conduct of the 
administration, aud to censure it when we 
<leem it worthy of censure. Our fathers won 
and established this right, and we will not 
.surrender it. Wo utterly deny to the execu- 
tive of the United States the power assumed 
by Congress in the sedition act of 179S to sup^ 
press opposition to the administration, or 
restrict the full freedom of political discus- 
sion in the loyal states. This would bo to as- 
sume a power above the constitution. The 
administration has no more power to susjiend 
the constitution, than h.ave the people. The 
administration is the child ofthe constitution 
and the servant of the people. The child 
must not reject the authority of the parent, 
iior the servant usurp the rights ofthe master. 
The constitution and the laws give the ad- 



ministration ample power to protect itself and 
enforce its authority in the loyal states: aud 
it would at this day be an evil example, preg- 
nant with anarchy and disorder, to disregard 
theconstituticnal rights of the loyal states and 
their people. We cannot bring our.selves to 
the belief that such a reign of terror is im>. 
])ending over us. We respect the adminis- 
tration too much for such an .apprehension 
liut if such times are upon us, we must play 
our parts like men, and not disavow our 
principles and opinions like cowards. Loyal 
to the core to the constitution and govern- 
ment of the United States, the democracy has 
nothing to fear from the assertion of its prin- 
ciplos, and the discussion of its political 
views. 

Allowing much of minor evil to pass un- 
noticed, in view ofthe diflicult part which the 
administration has had to play, there are some 
grave acts of the executive and legislative 
departments of the government, for which W(( 
hold the republican party responsible, and 
for which we arraign it at the bar of public 
opinion. 

We denounce the mischievous and uncon>- 
stitutional tone of much of the discussion in 
both Houses of Congress at its late session. 
We hold the general tenor of these discus- 
sions against the rights of slavery in the slave 
holding states, and in favor of the exercise 
by Congress of powers not delegated by the 
constitution, to be eminently dangerous in 
sustaining the spirit of secession at the south, 
and creating a disregard for the constitution 
at the north. 

We denounce the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia, at the cost ofthe United 
States, as unconstitutional, and peculiarly 
mischievous at this time in giving force to 
the distrust of the north in all the slave states. 

We denounce the sweeping and indiscrimi- 
nate measures of confiscation and emancipa- 
tion, as unconstitutional, and as having a 
strong tendency to unite the whole south 
against the Union, as one man. 

We believe that these aud kindred things 
have had a great weight in diminishing 
the numbers and influence ofthe Union Party 
at the south. 

We deny the power ofthe executive to sus- 
pend the writ of kabeai. coryus in the loya] 
states. We deny that this act, materially 
changing the laws of the laud, is an execu- 
tive act. We have the authority of the Su- 
premo Court ofthe United States, pronounced 
t)y the voice of Chief Justice Marshall as long 
l)y 1807, and aflirmed by every commentator 
ou the Constitution since, that under the 
Constitution of the United States, it is a legis- 
lative power. No king has assumed such a 
power in England, since the revolution. 

We deny the power of the executive to 
make arrests in the loyal states. The sus- 
pension ofthe vfrit of habeas corptis, if validly 
done, would not authorize this. There are 
federal courts in all the loyal states with full 
power and jurisdiction to punish all crimes 
against the United States. No Exercise of 
executive power baa ever been more odious 



than lettres de cacliel, bj' which the executive 
could arrest and impinson without judicial 
writ, accusation, or trial. We hold this man- 
ner of arrest in the loyal states of persons 
not in arms against the p;overnment to be in 
violation of Sec. 2 Art. 3 of the (Jonstitution 
of the United States, and of Art. 4, 5 and (J of 
the amendments thereto. And wo consider 
this practice as unnecessary, and tending to 
(jring the Con><titiition into disregard. 

We deny the power of the executive to tram- 
msl the freedom of the press by the suppres- 
sion of ncwspapei-s. The press is .judicially 
responsible for abuses; but tlie freedom of the 
press, subject to judicial remedies, is essen- 
tial to the freedom of the people. And we 
protest against the manifest partiality with 
which this new and dangerous poAver is exer- 
cised* 

We deny the recent semi-official definitions 
of the crime of treason. "Treason against 
the United States shall consist only in levying 
war against them, or in adhering to their en- 
emies, giving them aid and comfort.'' In 
commenting on this definition in the consti- 
tution, Judge Story quotes with approbation 
the remark of Montesquieu, that if the crime 
of treason be indeterminate, that alone is 
sufficient to make any government degenerate 
into arbitrary power; and he denounces, as 
the Supreme Court of the United States had 
rejected, the doctrine of constructive treason. 
It was in apprehension of the dangers of con- 
structive treason, that the definition of tliis 
crime was introduced into the body of the con- 
stitution itself; and it is a definition far more 
in keeping the rights of a free people than 
such vague phrases as disloyal practices. 
The statutes of the United States amply pro- 
vide for the punishment of treasonable crimes 
under the constitution, and we recognize no 
power in the executive to enlarge them. 

Wo deny the power of the executive to 
transport persons accused of crime in the loyal 
states, from the state where th^ crime is 
alleged to have been committed, to any other 
state or place for trial; to cause the trial of 
any person in the loyal states for any crime 
before military tribunals or other courts, ex- 
cept before a jury in the Circuit and Dis- 
trict Courts of the United States; or to subject 
such persons to such trial, except upon the 
indictment of a grand jury. These rights arc 
guaranteed to every person, under all circum- 
stances, by the constitution itself. And we 
fully believe that the loyal people of the Unit 
ed States are worthy of their fathers, who 
framed the constitution, and will be found un- 
willing to surrender rights so sacred and so 
es.ienlial to their liberties. 



Wo believe that the executive acts of which 
we complain, were done rather in inadvertence 
by subordinate officers, than in the deliberate 
purpose of subverting the constitution, or with 
the sanction of tlie President The stretch of 
power, however, is too great and too dangerous 
to the liberties of the people, to pass without 
the protest of the free and loyal democracy. 
If done as part of a full and deliberate policy, 
tliey strike at the root of American liborty, 
and we are drifting from the safe .'inclior.igo 
of tlie constitution into an unknown v.'ilder- 
ness of cruel waters, ' ' 

Let whatever may come, the democracy will 
abide by their time honored principles, by dm 
constitution and the Union. "We will neither 
surrender our rights nor forsake tiieai. We 
will maintain our constitutional liberty at all 
hazards, and as a necessary step towards that 
end, v/e will maintain the Union in like man- 
ner. We are for the constitution as it is, and 
the Union as it was." 

AVe call upon our brethren throughout the 
state to organize the party for the fin = 10; 
election of members of ('ungre^-. .i I ..; in- 
state Legislature. )Vo call upon them to ' 
nominate as candidates tried and true demo- ' 
crats, on strictly party principles, inviting the 
support of all persons, but acting in afFliation 
with no other party or faction whatever. We 
call upon them, for the sake of "liberty and 
union, now and forever, one and inseparable," ' 
to exert all their Constitutional right and 
power to elect conservative men, who will not 
blasphemously assume to do any ollicial act in 
the name of God, which cannot be done under 
the .sanction of the Constitution. So doing, 
the democracy of Wisconsin will best serve the 
cause of the Union, and give the highest proof 
of their loyalty to the Constitution. 

We claim the right on their behalf and oar 
own, to censure the political acts of the Ad- 
ministration, when we think that they deserve 
it, and to do all lawfully •within our jiower (0 
sustain the supremacy of the Constitution in 
all places north and south, and over all per- 
sons in office and out of it. And to that end 
we devote our hearts, minds and estates to aid 
the Administration in the most vigorous and 
speedy i)rosecution of the war waged against 
the Union by the revolted states. AVe believe 
that in so doing we fulfill the most sacred duty 
we owe to the Constitution. 

And to this, we solemnly pledge the faith of 
our party .and ourselves, until the war lie 
ended and the Constitution restored, a8 the 
supreme law of the land, in every state of the 
Union. 



c. 



K. 

W 

r.. 



.IIYAN, 
LORD, 
, DAVIS, 

Coiinniftop 



III 



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orant^ille. Pa 
March 4o''' 198? 






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